Saltar para: Posts [1], Pesquisa [2]

Astropolítica

"Se se pudessem interrogar as estrelas perguntar-lhes-ia se as maçam mais os astrónomos ou os poetas." Pitigrilli

Astropolítica

"Se se pudessem interrogar as estrelas perguntar-lhes-ia se as maçam mais os astrónomos ou os poetas." Pitigrilli

Pacto espacial Franco-Indiano

Abril 07, 2015

Vera Gomes

 

A Índia e a França estão a planear um pacto para a exploração interplanetária conjunta quando Narendra Modi visitar Paris na próxima sexta-feira, sendo este um marco na incursão de Nova Deli ao espaço depois da Lua (com a missão Chandrayaan 1 e 2) e depois da missão Mars Orbiter a Marte.

O acordo será um resultado diplomático chave da viagem do Primeiro Ministroa França, numa altura em que, para ele, a cooperação espacial se tornou numa prioridade da política externa, afirmaram dois funcionários Indianos ao The Telegraph.

 

Um oficial do da Embaixa francesa recusou-se a comentar o assunto.

 

Resta-nos esperar por sexta feira para ter a certeza se de facto esta parceria irá ocorrer ou não. Até lá e para lerem mais sobre a visita do Primeiro Ministro indiano a França, basta clicar aqui.

 

Os próximos desafios da conquista espacial

Agosto 15, 2014

Vera Gomes

http://www.redorbit.com/media/uploads/2004/10/7_1f9cd32b27e2bee9c81c30e7157340132.jpg

(imagem retirada aqui)

 

 Com o mote:

 

A Rosetta, que colocou um robô num cometa, poderia compartilhar alguns segredos sobre a criação do sistema solar. Por sua parte, a Curiosity continua a sua exploração do planeta Marte, e as sondas Voyager sairamm do sistema solar, para explorar a vastidão do espaço.
No entretanto, os chineses estão a aperfeiçoar o seu programa lunar; os americanos, em que ponto estão nos seuss projectos para Marte?

 

a rádio France Inter fez um debate muito interessante, no passado dia 12 de Agosto, sobre o futuro e os desafios da conquista espacial. Com 3 especialistas franceses no estúdio, os ouvintes puderam telefonar e colocar perguntas aos convidados que responderam de forma acessível e clara. Jean-Jacques Dordain, Director Geral da ESA e Jean-Yves Le Gall, Presidente do CNES (a agência espacial francesa) estiveram em directo para explicar alguns pontos, o que tornou a discussão ainda mais rica.

 

O podcast está disponível aqui. Infelizmente.... em francês.

Emirados vão às compras

Dezembro 25, 2011

Vera Gomes

A França espera fechar nos próximos meses o negócio da venda de 60 caças Dassault Rafale aos Emirados Arábes Unidos, contudo, a verdadeira surpresa é o fecho de um outro contracto militar ainda maior: um satélite de vigilância construído pela Astrium!

 

Este é o primeiro grande negócio da Astrium no Médio Oriente! A conclusão deste negócio dá um empurrão aos Emirados para aumentar a sua capacidade militar para combater a política expansionista e ambições nucleares do Irão.

 

 

Poderão ler a noticia completa, aqui.

 

Satélite Militar marca cooperação europeia

Abril 10, 2010

Vera Gomes

França e Itália irão cooperar para construir e lançar um satélie de telecomunicações militares e de segurança comum aos dois países. Este contrato, assinado entre a Thales Alenia Space e a Telespazio (subsidiárias da francesa Thales e da italiana Finmeccanica, respectivamente) e com o CNES  marca o sucesso de uma primeira cooperação deste género na Europa (depois de tentativas falhadas entre a Alemanha e a Grã-Bretanha).

O satélite, já baptizado como “Athena-Fidus”, será fabricado quer em França, quer em Itália e deverá ser posto em órbita em 2013.

 

 

European missile defense and military space

Agosto 25, 2008

Vera Gomes

by Taylor Dinerman
Monday, August 25, 2008

 

The August 20th agreement for the stationing of US Ground Based Interceptors (GBIs) in Poland in order to deter or destroy Iranian long-range missiles aimed at Europe or the US was without doubt the direct result of Russia’s invasion of Georgia. From a political standpoint Poland wanted to send both Moscow and Washington an unmistakable signal as to which side they were on, even if it involved making a less-than-optimal deal from Warsaw’s point of view. Now that the agreement has been signed, the US should act generously and give Poland far more support than the US is required to. Also, NATO will have to pay far greater attention to the missile defense issue than it has in the past.

 

In exchange for stationing a mere ten GBIs in Poland, the US has agreed to also place a single battery of PAC-3 Patriot short-range air defense and anti-ballistic missiles on Polish soil. This is far less than Poland truly needs in order to give it a reasonable level or protection against an angry and resentful Russia. This battery is symbolically important, but the Poles need more than a mere symbol.

 

Russia has thousands of tactical and tactical/operational nuclear weapons mounted on ballistic missiles. Ostensibly these are no longer aimed at anyone in particular, but that may not matter much to the Poles or to others in Central and Eastern Europe who once again feel themselves threatened by Russia. These nations have little faith that they can count on their fellow members of the European Union to stand by them in an emergency, so they naturally turn to the US and to NATO for support.

 

It would be a mistake for leaders in Washington to simply see these nations as a place to park a few interceptors. At the same time as the missile defense deal was signed, the US and Poland also signed a Declaration of Strategic Cooperation. This has the potential to be the basis for a new and enlarged set of joint scientific and technological programs with Poland.

 

The Poles have traditionally been a highly scientifically literate people. Copernicus was just the first and best-known Polish scientist. Today there are hundreds of well-trained men and women in that country and elsewhere in the region who are ready to contribute to any number of strategically significant research programs including ones involving missile defense technology. Perhaps some of the Nunn-Lugar money the US has been spending to employ Russian scientists and engineers on projects supposedly intended to keep them from being employed by Iran or other rogue states could be diverted to support researchers in these nations.

 

There is also the open question as to how Poland’s missile defense system will be integrated with the US one. Will Poland, like Japan and Israel, have access on a limited basis to data from the Defense Support Program (DSP) satellites and from the Space Based Infrared (SBIRS) ones that are replacing them? Already the US system is using the large radar arrays in the UK and in Greenland at Thule. The new radar in the Czech Republic may be useful for more than simply tracking missiles from the Middle East.

 

President Sarkozy’s hope for a new European military space force may be an unexpected casualty of Russia’s invasion of Georgia.

Russia has given many of America’s allies, and would-be allies, new reasons to want to integrate their systems with those of the US. The Ukraine has already offered the use of a large former Soviet radar. This would not be of any use in tracking missiles launched from Russia, but would be useful in keep watch over the Mediterranean. It will be interesting to see if France agrees to provide data from the new radar they are planning to build to a NATO early warning system.

 

With a few years Poland and NATO may need to revise the warning and tracking system. A new tactical air defense and missile defense system known as MEADS (Medium Air Defense System) is being built by a joint venture of the US, Germany, and Italy. This system, which uses the PAC-3 missile, might be something that Poland and its neighbors might be interested in procuring. As a multinational program it might be easier to integrate new partners into this program than into a purely American one. It might also make a new NATO missile defense effort more palatable to the Europeans.

 

President Sarkozy’s hope for a new European military space force may be an unexpected casualty of Russia’s invasion of Georgia. The new “Euro DSP” satellites he wants to build may come on line sooner rather than later, but they may be NATO assets rather than EU ones. Poland and the other former Warsaw Pact states may now insist that if Europe is going to build a new set of military space systems that these are built with their requirements in mind. And they may be ready to invest in ones that support the Western Alliance as a whole.

 

Circumstances will force the new US president to take a hard look at the missile defense architecture that Clinton and Bush administrations have put in place. The technology is being developed, tested, and fielded in a slow methodical manner, well-suited to the post-1989 environment. That world is no more. An unhappy change is upon us and America and its allies will have to make some painful adaptations.

Europe’s space ambitions in context

Agosto 04, 2008

Vera Gomes

by Taylor Dinerman
Monday, July 28, 2008

 

Ireland’s rejection of the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty in a popular referendum should have put the plans to establish a new EU space organization, complete with its own budget, on hold. At least that would have been the case if there was a way to force the leaders of the Brussels-based organization to conform to the rules they have established. In the US our system of checks and balances works, however slowly and imperfectly, to limit the powers of the government to break the laws they expect everyone else to follow; in the EU such limits seem not to apply.

 

A large and prosperous scientific community that depends of the EU for its existence is a powerful disincentive for any state that wants to reduce the power of Brussels or even to leave the Union.

Aside from the military strategy involved in the new EU space policy (which has already been covered) the reasoning behind the ever-increasing European space effort is worth looking at from the angle of their long-term political goals. One of the most important reasons for the EU’s existence is the desire to get beyond the nation state, the existence of which is blamed for the disastrous wars of the 20th century, as if the pre-national feudal era was a time of perfect peace. Breaking down the barriers between nations both in the name of free trade and in the name of postnationalist or transnationalist ideology is at the core of the EU’s “project”. Science is by its nature non-nationalist. The EU’s desire to fund as much “science” as is politically feasible fits neatly into its larger political strategy.

 

There is also the continuing “brain drain” problem. Europe’s best scientists are still tempted to travel across the Atlantic to work for America’s well-endowed and independent universities. This sometimes gives them the chance to get involved in some of the highly-profitable startup firms that tend to spring up around these institutions. To keep these men and women contented and busy inside European research centers, generous funding for interesting projects is needed.

 

A large and prosperous scientific community that depends of the EU for its existence is a powerful disincentive for any state that wants to reduce the power of Brussels or even to leave the Union. Space programs carry a great deal of symbolic weight in addition to their scientific value. They are also nowhere near as controversial as nuclear projects or biotech ones. Launching a probe such as ESA’s Rosetta mission to Comet Churyumov-Gerasimenko is nowhere near as hard to support as building a new nuclear research center such as ISTAR or supporting new genetically modified organisms.

 

As an aside, someone should make a new study of the ways politicians have used science as a way to legitimate themselves. It is not simply a case of “racial science” or “scientific socialism”, but the way in which science is recruited or volunteers itself for all sorts of causes, much the same way that art in all its diverse forms has often been used as a political tool.

 

Space investments by the EU and by EU member states has played an important role in creating a set of “European” as opposed to purely national technologies. Even when a technology began as the project of a single nation, such as France with Ariane or Italy with Aleina’s pressurized space structures for the ISS, these have over time become less “national” and more European. This process will accelerate as the changes being made under France’s six-month EU Presidency become embedded in the institutions.

 

Europe is slowly moving towards a decision to build a manned spacecraft of its own. Logically the next step is to build a version of the ATV that can bring cargo back to Earth. After that it will not be too difficult to build a manned capsule comparable to the US Orion. How much they want to spend and what resources, particularly how many highly trained engineers, they have available will determine when this spacecraft will be ready. After that they will decide if they want to build a full-blown set of lunar travel systems. In spite of some reports coming out of Moscow, it seems that the Europeans have little appetite to jointly build a system with Russia.

Space exploration is no longer a duopoly of the US and Russia. The EU, India, and China all mean to play a role in the human expansion into the solar system.

For the US, Mike Griffin, in his speech to the French Parliament’s Space Committee, strongly rejected the view that it “…is somehow unfairly excluding international partners from the development of Orion and Ares.” He noted the many statements from French politicians, as well as from President Sarkozy, to the effect that independent access to space is an “absolute priority”. Neither the US nor the Russians nor the Europeans want to depend on the others more than is absolutely necessary. The “gap”, like the periods after the Challenger and Columbia disasters, is an experience the US does not want to see repeated.

 

Space exploration is no longer a duopoly of the US and Russia. The EU, India, and China all mean to play a role in the human expansion into the solar system. This should not surprise anyone: the need to explore and to build new settlements is universal. For Europe the obstacle will not be a lack of drive, but a conflict between those who want to explore and expand in the name of their respective homelands and those who want to do so as “Europeans.”

 

Mais sobre mim

foto do autor

Subscrever por e-mail

A subscrição é anónima e gera, no máximo, um e-mail por dia.

Onde compro livros

Free Delivery on all Books at the Book Depository

Arquivo

  1. 2019
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2018
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2017
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2016
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2015
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2014
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2013
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2012
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2011
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2010
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2009
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2008
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2007
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2006
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
  1. 2005
  2. J
  3. F
  4. M
  5. A
  6. M
  7. J
  8. J
  9. A
  10. S
  11. O
  12. N
  13. D
Follow